全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1234篇 |
免费 | 67篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 68篇 |
工人农民 | 58篇 |
世界政治 | 93篇 |
外交国际关系 | 104篇 |
法律 | 682篇 |
中国政治 | 11篇 |
政治理论 | 275篇 |
综合类 | 10篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 19篇 |
2022年 | 16篇 |
2021年 | 14篇 |
2020年 | 37篇 |
2019年 | 48篇 |
2018年 | 44篇 |
2017年 | 58篇 |
2016年 | 64篇 |
2015年 | 39篇 |
2014年 | 56篇 |
2013年 | 175篇 |
2012年 | 56篇 |
2011年 | 39篇 |
2010年 | 39篇 |
2009年 | 39篇 |
2008年 | 44篇 |
2007年 | 62篇 |
2006年 | 44篇 |
2005年 | 53篇 |
2004年 | 36篇 |
2003年 | 37篇 |
2002年 | 42篇 |
2001年 | 22篇 |
2000年 | 18篇 |
1999年 | 23篇 |
1998年 | 14篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 15篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 22篇 |
1991年 | 8篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 11篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 6篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 7篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1969年 | 3篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
1962年 | 1篇 |
1955年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1301条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Marta Concheiro Ana de Castro Oscar Quintela Manuel Lpez-Rivadulla Angelines Cruz 《Forensic Science International Supplement Series》2005,150(2-3):221
This paper describes the analytical methodology for the determination of MDMA, MDA, MDEA and MBDB in oral fluid. After a liquid–liquid extraction, the analysis was carried out by high performance liquid chromatography (HPLC), with fluorescence detection. The detector wavelength was fixed at 285 nm for excitation and 320 nm for emission. The mobile phase, a mixture of phosphate buffer (pH = 5) and acetonitrile (75:25), and the column, Kromasil 100 C8 5 μm 250 mm × 4.6 mm, allowed good separation of the compounds in an isocratic mode in only 10 min. The method was validated and showed good limits of detection (2 ng/mL) and quantitation (10 ng/mL) for all the amphetamine derivatives. No interfering substances were detected. A stability study of these compounds in oral fluid stored at three different temperatures (−18, 4 and 20 °C) over 10 weeks was conducted, showing a time-dependent degradation of the four compounds. 相似文献
22.
Drug trade is widely seen as a phenomenon rather new to the Netherlands. However, at the beginning of the 20th century the Dutch pharmaceutical industries were already extensively involved in the production of both opiates and cocaine, and they went on exporting large quantities of these drugs after the Opium Act (1919) took force. Until the 1960s, arrests were not at all common, and these largely affected minority groups like Chinese opium smokers and black marijuana users. Since then, drug control efforts have increased by leaps and bounds. At first, cannabis was the main target; then the focus turned to heroin, and that was later joined by cocaine. This paper traces the history of the drug trade and drug control in the Netherlands, with emphasis on their development in Amsterdam. The conclusion is reached that, in spite of drastic changes in both drug trade and drug control, certain ideologies, constructs and strategies have remained remarkably stable. 相似文献
23.
Goran Therborn, European Modernity and Beyond: The Trajectory of European Societies, (Sage, London 1995). 403pp. ISBN 8039 8934 2.
John McGany and Brendan O'Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland, (Blackwell, Oxford 1995). 535pp. ISBN 0–631–18349–3. 相似文献
24.
25.
Philip de L. Panet Michael J. Trebilcock 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1998,41(1):21-50
Abstract: Despite the enormous share of social services in government spending and the strong incentives on government to rationalize services, the alternative service delivery (asd) literature has given little attention to social–service delivery. In our paper, we review current approaches taken to social–service delivery in Ontario by the Ministry of Community and Social Services (mcss). Although the mcss retains responsibility for the social–services system, it provides social services almost exclusively through private non–profit agencies under purchase of service contracts. Two themes emerge from our examination of these relationships. First, the standard privatization model has limited application to social–services delivery. Contracts are generally not awarded in a competitive fashion, and contract termination discipline is rarely applied. Given the inadequacies of current performance measures for social services, monitoring contract performance is difficult. Second, the success of attempts to shift provision to private non–governmental entities is intimately linked to the effectiveness of accountability mechanisms, especially outcome–based performance measures. Improving performance measurement is therefore an important priority. In addition to advocating further research into the effectiveness of social services, one interesting mcss initiative has been to look to client communities to help monitor the performance of agencies. We conclude that among the different institutional approaches to social–service delivery, contracting with non–profits is the one that currently seem most appropriate. Sommaire: Malgré la part énorme des dépenses gouvernementales consacrée aux services sociaux et malgré les efforts gouvemementaux pour rationaliser les services, les ouvrages publiés sur la prestation de services par des moyens de rechange n'ont consacré que peu d'attention à la prestation des services sociaux. Nous examinons dam cet article les méthodes adoptées pour la prestation des services sociaux en Ontario par le ministére des Services sociaux et communautaires (mssc). Même s'il retient la responsabilité du réseau des services sociaux, le mssc foumit les services sociaux presque exclusivement par I'intermédiaire d'organismes privés à but non lucratif, en vertu de contrats d'achat de services. En examinant ces rapports, nous en dégageons deux thémes. Premiérement, le modéle de privatisation standard ne s'applique que de maniére limitée à la prestation des services sociaux. Les contrats ne sont généralement pas accordés de maniére concurrentielle, et on n'utilise que rarement la résiliation de contrats en tant que mesure disciplinaire. II est difficile de surveiller la qualité d'exécution des contrats, vu l'insuffisance des mesures de rende–ment actuelles concernant les services sociaux. Deuxièmement, le transfert de I'exé–cution aux organismes privés non gouvernementaux ne peut réussir qu'en présence de mécanismes de responsabilisation adéquats, et en particulier de moyens permet–tant de mesurer le rendement en fonction des résultats obtenus. I1 importe donc d'améliorer les moyens de mesure du rendement. Selon le mssc, en plus des recher–ches suppéementaires concernant l'efficacite des services sociaux, il faut faire appel aux groupes de clients pour aider À surveiller le rendement des organismes. En conclusion, parmi les diverses méthodes institutionnelles de prestation des services sociaux, la sous–traitance faisant appel aux secteurs à but non lucratif semble çtre aujourd'hui la plus appropriwaee. [I]t is no exaggeration to say the state and local governments tend not to know what results their social service contracts are buying. Because competition is low, they have little opportunity to test the market to see what alternatives they have. Few resources are spent to look past what contractors themselves report. The political system has few incentives to dig deeper and many more incentives to maintain the status quo— The problems with oversight underline earlier observations: whatever advantages contracting–out for social services might produce, greater efficiency through market–tested competition is not one of them. State and local governments are engaging in the equivalent of a shopping trip while blindfolded, with little effort spent to squeeze the tomatoes or thump the watermelons 相似文献
26.
Ethan Bueno de Mesquita 《American journal of political science》2005,49(3):515-530
I present a model of the interaction between a government, a terrorist organization, and potential terrorist volunteers in which, as a result of an endogenous choice, individuals with low ability or little education are most likely to volunteer to join the terrorist organization. However, the terrorist organization screens the volunteers for quality. Consequently, the model is consistent with two seemingly contradictory empirical findings. Actual terrorist operatives are not poor or lacking in education. And yet lack of economic opportunity and recessionary economies are positively correlated with terrorism. The model also endogenizes the effect of government counterterrorism on mobilization. Government crackdowns have competing effects on mobilization: they decrease the ability of terrorists to carry out effective attacks (making mobilization less attractive), and they foment ideological opposition to the government and impose negative economic externalities (making mobilization more attractive). This provides conditions under which government crackdowns increase or decrease mobilization. 相似文献
27.
Who are the Darfurians? Arab and African identities, violence and external engagement 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
This article examines processes of identity formation in Darfur,now part of the Republic of Sudan, over the last four centuries.The basic story is of four overlapping processes of identityformation, each of them primarily associated with a differentperiod in the region's history: namely, the Sudanic identitiesassociated with the Dar Fur sultanate, Islamic identities, theadministrative tribalism associated with the twentieth-centurySudanese state, and the recent polarization of Araband African identities, associated with new formsof external intrusion and internal violence. It is a story thatemphasizes the much-neglected east-west axis of Sudanese identity,arguably as important as the north-south axis, and redeems theneglect of Darfur as a separate and important locus for stateformation in northern Sudan, paralleling and competing withthe Nile Valley states. It focuses on the incapacity of boththe modern Sudanese state and international actors to comprehendthe singularities of Darfur, accusing much Sudanese historiographyof Nilocentrism, namely, the use of analyticalterms derived from the experience of the Nile Valley to applyto Darfur. 相似文献
28.
ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of official travel activities by politicians to post-/conflict spaces in German foreign policymaking. Starting from the observation that official travel justifications stress the value of authentic insights and unfiltered information, while journeys in practice are meticulously planned and staged, it asks what kind of knowing is possible, how actors make sense of the staged nature of field trips, and how multiple performances create and/or undermine notions of authenticity and first-hand expertise. The article shows that official on-site visits are composed of multiple conscious performances by all actors involved, but that these performances do not undermine the notions of authenticity and expertise. On the contrary, knowledge authenticity—or truth claims on the basis of authentic insights—and related expert authority are produced through travel-as-performance. The emphasis policymakers put on on-site presence and (the performance of) localized knowledge contradicts intervention literature’s generalized finding of a prioritization of technocratic over localized knowledge. The article draws on politics and performance scholarship and authenticity theories in tourism studies to make sense of a wealth of empirical material on the claims, practice and functions of German MPs’ journeys to post-/conflict spaces as part of broader political struggles over policy knowledge. 相似文献
29.
正From their beginnings——in the glory days of the Han Dynasty in the East and the Roman Empire in the West—the linkages between our countries and even those of parts of Africa had ranged beyond the exchange of material goods.COMMERCE,CULTURE,CIVILIZATION From the beginning,East-West trade transcended the limits of commerce.From the beginning,it 相似文献
30.